Miller (2004) argues that Southern rap culture foregrounds current racial issues in the South. This allows Southern rappers to challenge these issues in a way that build a specific community for those living in the Southern states.
Though rap has traditionally been associated with urban locations, rappers in the "dirty South" take pride in narratives of the rural South. This allows hip hop rhetoric to be transported to the South in a way that speaks directly to Southern culture.
This movement forged common ground among rappers who identify with the "dirty South." Miller (2004) argues that this created a coalition community of rappers and consumers who acknowledge and rebel against Southern racism.
Showing posts with label Cultures. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Cultures. Show all posts
Wednesday, August 7, 2013
Baldwin (1999), "Black Empires, White Desires: The Spatial Politics of Identity in the Age of Hip Hop"
Baldwin (1999) argues that White America's outrage over hip hop's immorality is really about Black Americans taking pleasure in commodity. Baldwin (1999) sees this as a historical changing of the guard the represents a renegotiation of White cultural power. While White suburbia is defined by consumer culture, Baldwin (1999) argues that White Americans are not comfortable with Black Americans taking the same kind of pleasure in consumerism. Hip hop's conspicuous consumption can be read as a threat of Black Americans taking over White Americans' roles as consumers.
Gabbard (2007), "White Face, Black Noise: Miles Davis and the Soundtrack
1. Soundtrack music has to be ignored to be effective. When Black musicians contribute soundtrack music, their role as a creator is ignored, as the work is in service only to the White film producers and characters.
Gabbard (2007) argues that
soundtrack music must be ignored to be effective. Audience
awareness of the musical bedding breaks the cinematic illusion. This becomes
problematic when one considers the White music industry’s historical cooptation
of Black music for its own profit, since using Black cultural forms to enhance
all-White film products hides Black musicians from view, exploiting them for
the purposes of the White film industry.
2. Gabbard (2007) uses Miles Davis' contribution to the Pleasantville soundtrack to illustrate his point. Though Davis' music plays an integral role in the characters' transformation, the politics of Whiteness in the film are never interrogated. Davis' songs function only in service of the White characters.
Gabbard's most compelling example
involves the snippets of Miles Davis' work that frame characters' emotional and
physical awareness in Pleasantville. As the characters learn more about their world, they change from black and
white into color, an effect that is enhanced by Davis' music. However, the
viewer is not encouraged to acknowledge the jazz bedding: "[films like this]
deny personhood to African Americans and keep them off screen at the same time
that the films use black music to give depth and romance to their white
characters" (275). In short, Davis' cultural work is shelved as a discrete art
form, and rechanneled in service of White characters and filmmakers.
McRobbie (1980), "Settling Accounts with Subcultures: A Feminist Critique"
Hebdige's (1979) Suculture has been widely critiqued, but perhaps the most famous of these is McRobbie's (1980) feminist critique. As McRobbie (1980) aptly argues, the masculinization of “youth” is exacerbated by the academy’s refusal to acknowledge gender’s cultural role. Style itself is invisibly built on women’s backs, McRobbie (1980) notes, and by continuing to erase the ways in which the female body is objectified and acted upon in the name of style, cultural studies loses much political ground. McRobbie’s (1980) critique suggests a bridging of the public and private spheres in subcultural research, arguing that cultural studies gains complexity and depth by expanding its thrust to “questions of style and sexual politics” (p. 78).
She levels two main charges at Hebdige (1979).
1. Hebdige (1979) ignores the fact that his subcultures are the prerogative of men.
McRobbie (1980) argues that the subcultural moves Hebdige describes are primarily based upon the styles of the men in the group. Many of the groups he studies are exclusively led by men.
2. McRobbie (1980) takes Hebdige (1979) to task for ignoring the role women play in subcultures.
By ignoring women's roles in subcultures, Hebdige (1979) ignores the fact that subculture's male fantasy and expression is made possible by women who take up the extra burdens as wives and mothers.
Women are also often used as objects in the development of subcultural style. Women are present in the visibility of style, but generally only as accessories to the men's presentations.
She levels two main charges at Hebdige (1979).
1. Hebdige (1979) ignores the fact that his subcultures are the prerogative of men.
McRobbie (1980) argues that the subcultural moves Hebdige describes are primarily based upon the styles of the men in the group. Many of the groups he studies are exclusively led by men.
2. McRobbie (1980) takes Hebdige (1979) to task for ignoring the role women play in subcultures.
By ignoring women's roles in subcultures, Hebdige (1979) ignores the fact that subculture's male fantasy and expression is made possible by women who take up the extra burdens as wives and mothers.
Women are also often used as objects in the development of subcultural style. Women are present in the visibility of style, but generally only as accessories to the men's presentations.
Hebdige (1979) "Style as Homology and Signifying Practice"
Hebdige (1979) argues that a concept of
polysemic, postmodern semiotics should be integrated into subcultural studies. Punk
swastikas, for example, do not necessary refer to Nazism; rather, the symbol is
borrowed simply for its ability to shock and revolt a culture from which punks
aim to be differentiated. If we understand the signifying elements of style as
poached from a broader cultural context, Hebdige (1979) argues, then the function of
style is revealed as a way of distancing subcultural members from the mass society:
“although the punks referred continually to the realities of school, work,
family, and class, these references. . . were passed through the fractured
circuitry of punk style and re-presented as ‘noise,’ disturbance, entropy” (p.
61).
By borrowing from the broader culture, subcultures demonstrate both a distance
from the masses and a communal identity.
Dawkins (2010), "Close to the Edge: The Representational Tactics of Eminem"
Dawkins (2010) uses de Certeau to examine the dichotomy between Eminem and the black hip
hop tradition, arguing that Eminem uses three strategies to bounce between his
identity as white outsider and “black” insider. Dawkins’ (2010) primary purpose in the article is to use Eminem as a case study for understanding transracial politics in the popular culture arena.
1. Eminem redraws the boundary of the Other as women, LGBT people, and rich white men
First, she argues, Eminem
marginalizes women, homosexuals, and certain classes of white men in order to
redraw the same/Other boundary. By exaggerating the Othered status of these
groups, Eminem solidifies his position at the top of the hierarchy through his
own hip hop sameness.
2. Eminem marks himself as unique. He uses this uniqueness to position himself as unique within the Black community in which he wishes to perform.
Second, in carving out this borderland space for his hip
hop sameness, Eminem's marketability relies on his uniqueness. This uniqueness
becomes a rhetoric of authenticity, as he asserts the existence of a “real Slim
Shady” thereby denigrating other white rappers (and Marshall Mathers) as
imposters.
3. Eminem reproduces his position as within the Black community in a variety of platforms. This reinforces the role he has carved for himself.
Third, Dawkins (2010) argues that Eminem disguises the manufacturing of his
own sameness by combining a variety of cultural materials and styles into a hip
hop brand. He sells his authenticity by endlessly reproducing it.
McLeod (1999), "Authenticity Within Hip-Hop and Other Cultures Threatened with Assimilation"
McLeod (1999) traces authenticity discourses that surround hip hop performers by
using a method similar to content analysis. The center of his argument is the
phrase “keeping it real,” which he traces to a variety of sources including
interviews, magazine coverage, and recordings.
1. For McLeod (1999), the increasing
market for hip hop in white suburban America threatens to colonize the form’s
black cultural roots. Using an anthropological framework, he argues that the
historical response to the threat of assimilation has been a vocal
reaffirmation of the community, in this case, translating to the spatial
politics of “the street,” “the underground,” and the pre-commercial
“Old-School” style.
2. The strength of McLeod’s (1999) piece lies in its thorough
analysis of discourses; where many a rock essay references authenticity as
though it were above explanation, McLeod (1999) neatly maps the forms and uses of the
concept, leaving a methodological trail behind him.
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