1. Like gender, sex is also a socially constructed category.
Butler (1990) argues that the concept of discrete sex categories grew out of social and political dynamics. Like gender categories, sex categories are constructed and therefore deconstructable.
2. Subjects' sex and gender identities are not a result of inner stable truths. Instead, they are performances that repeat themselves with no origin.
Gender is a performance of a performance with no original performance. Butler (1990) argues that we are constantly reaffirming our gender identity through outward demonstrations of what gender has come to mean. Society has come to understand this performance as a reflection of a true inner self, but it is actually just a repetition of what has become socially expected and acceptable.
3. The soul is the prison of the body.
Butler (1990) argues that gender constantly works on the body. Discourses of gender operate on the body to form outward expressions of gender performance and sexual identity.
Showing posts with label Sex and Gender. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sex and Gender. Show all posts
Thursday, August 8, 2013
Bartky (1988), "Foucault, Femininity, and the Modernization of Patriarchal Power"
Bartky (1988) argues that women internalize the patriarchy. We are taught to see ourselves through patriarchal eyes, and therefore we discipline ourselves into performing femininity.
1. Social structures control our bodies through our minds.
Foucault argued that systems of power work to create docile bodies. This control comes through constant surveillance that eventually teaches people to police their own bodies in alignment with the function of the state. Bartky (1988) applies this concept to contemporary femininity, arguing that women are taught to internalize the patriarchy. We learn to watch our bodies and discipline ourselves into being docile.
2. Femininity requires constant self-policing.
Bartky (1988) argues that the performance of femininity requires women to discipline our bodies in terms of size, space, movement, adornment, and other aspects of feminine performance. These restrictions are not only required of all women, they are also unattainable. This keeps women constantly focused on performances of femininity.
3. Self-policing is obedience to the patriarchy.
Constant self-surveillance continually reaffirms that women's bodies serve primarily to please and excite men.
1. Social structures control our bodies through our minds.
Foucault argued that systems of power work to create docile bodies. This control comes through constant surveillance that eventually teaches people to police their own bodies in alignment with the function of the state. Bartky (1988) applies this concept to contemporary femininity, arguing that women are taught to internalize the patriarchy. We learn to watch our bodies and discipline ourselves into being docile.
2. Femininity requires constant self-policing.
Bartky (1988) argues that the performance of femininity requires women to discipline our bodies in terms of size, space, movement, adornment, and other aspects of feminine performance. These restrictions are not only required of all women, they are also unattainable. This keeps women constantly focused on performances of femininity.
3. Self-policing is obedience to the patriarchy.
Constant self-surveillance continually reaffirms that women's bodies serve primarily to please and excite men.
Scott (1986), "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis"
Scott (1986) argues that sex roles are socially constructed, and so feminist scholars must move away from the idea that biology is a determining factor in gender.
1. Gender is a constitutive element of social relationships based on perceived differences between the sexes.
Scott argues (1986) that gender is constructed through four parts that all work together:
A. cultural symbols
B. normative concepts that help us interpret symbols
C. politics and social structures organize us according to symbols
D. we have our own subjective identities, in part defined by those structures
2. Gender is a primary way of signifying relations of power.
Scott (1986) notes that this construction of gender has been used in service of sexuality, which in turn cements men's power over women.
1. Gender is a constitutive element of social relationships based on perceived differences between the sexes.
Scott argues (1986) that gender is constructed through four parts that all work together:
A. cultural symbols
B. normative concepts that help us interpret symbols
C. politics and social structures organize us according to symbols
D. we have our own subjective identities, in part defined by those structures
2. Gender is a primary way of signifying relations of power.
Scott (1986) notes that this construction of gender has been used in service of sexuality, which in turn cements men's power over women.
Fausto-Sterling (1985), Myths of Gender
1. Biology may impact behavior, but behavior also impacts physiology. Therefore, it is impossible for science to determine which attributes are behavior and which are physiological.
Fausto-Sterling (1985) points out that scientists have tried to link behavioral differences to biological sex. She notes that these studies are often methodologically flawed. Since biological attributes and behavioral/social attributes work in a cycle with one another, it is impossible to draw a line between biology and behavior. This would fail even theoretically, but is particularly problematic for post-positivist scientific method.
2. Gendered differences in learning styles are not a result of biology. Instead, they are evidence of discrimination in educational systems.
A wider range of studies involving spatial and verbal intelligences demonstrates that differences within the sex categories are similar to differences between. Furthermore, in more egalitarian societies, no difference between biological sexes appear.
3. DNA coding cannot be linked directly with eventual trait development.
Genes must be understood in a larger context, since human development impacts the resulting gene performance.
4. Hormones can be both a cause and an effect of behavior and environmental conditions.
Fausto-Sterling (1985) points out that scientists have tried to link behavioral differences to biological sex. She notes that these studies are often methodologically flawed. Since biological attributes and behavioral/social attributes work in a cycle with one another, it is impossible to draw a line between biology and behavior. This would fail even theoretically, but is particularly problematic for post-positivist scientific method.
2. Gendered differences in learning styles are not a result of biology. Instead, they are evidence of discrimination in educational systems.
A wider range of studies involving spatial and verbal intelligences demonstrates that differences within the sex categories are similar to differences between. Furthermore, in more egalitarian societies, no difference between biological sexes appear.
3. DNA coding cannot be linked directly with eventual trait development.
Genes must be understood in a larger context, since human development impacts the resulting gene performance.
4. Hormones can be both a cause and an effect of behavior and environmental conditions.
Rich (1980), "Compulsory Heterosexuality and the Lesbian Existence"
1. Lesbian existence refers to the presence of lesbians throughout history and contemporary society.
2. The lesbian continuum refers to the way that women experience other women throughout our lives. It is not necessarily a reference to genital sexual experiences.
Rich (1980) argues that heterosexuality is a violent political institution that secures women's subordination to men. Women should turn to other women in order to develop coalitions outside of the patriarchal structure of heterosexuality. This includes reshaping ideas of economics, family structure, and sexual and psychological fulfillment.
3. Men control and suppress women by denying us our sexuality.
Rich (1980) notes that men have used power to suppress women's sexuality throughout history, and she lists a number of ways this occurs. Men deny women sexuality and force their sexuality on women. Men exploit women's production labor by taking control over reproductive rights. Men deny lesbians access to their children. Men keep economic control over women.
2. The lesbian continuum refers to the way that women experience other women throughout our lives. It is not necessarily a reference to genital sexual experiences.
Rich (1980) argues that heterosexuality is a violent political institution that secures women's subordination to men. Women should turn to other women in order to develop coalitions outside of the patriarchal structure of heterosexuality. This includes reshaping ideas of economics, family structure, and sexual and psychological fulfillment.
3. Men control and suppress women by denying us our sexuality.
Rich (1980) notes that men have used power to suppress women's sexuality throughout history, and she lists a number of ways this occurs. Men deny women sexuality and force their sexuality on women. Men exploit women's production labor by taking control over reproductive rights. Men deny lesbians access to their children. Men keep economic control over women.
Rubin (1975), "The Traffic in Women"
1. Reproduction, and not necessarily capitalism, is the cause of women's oppression.
Rubin (1975) notes that women are oppressed by capitalism, but also in other societies that are not organized around capitalism. This is because societies have to account for both material needs and reproductive needs.
2. Reproduction is translated into oppression through the kinship system.
Marriage is a major element in gift exchange between clans. Marriage facilitates alliances between men by using women as the object of exchange. This is the basis for the kinship system. Women's oppression is the result of this social structure.
3. The sex/gender system cements the kinship economy in place.
The necessity of marriage in this system also necessitates sexuality. Since the society is based on marriage as gift exchange and reproduction system, males must be turned into men and females must be turned into women. Differences and complementarianism between the genders are emphasized, while sameness is dismissed. This sex/gender system maintains heteronormativity necessary for the political economy of marriage.
Rubin (1975) notes that women are oppressed by capitalism, but also in other societies that are not organized around capitalism. This is because societies have to account for both material needs and reproductive needs.
2. Reproduction is translated into oppression through the kinship system.
Marriage is a major element in gift exchange between clans. Marriage facilitates alliances between men by using women as the object of exchange. This is the basis for the kinship system. Women's oppression is the result of this social structure.
3. The sex/gender system cements the kinship economy in place.
The necessity of marriage in this system also necessitates sexuality. Since the society is based on marriage as gift exchange and reproduction system, males must be turned into men and females must be turned into women. Differences and complementarianism between the genders are emphasized, while sameness is dismissed. This sex/gender system maintains heteronormativity necessary for the political economy of marriage.
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