Dingo (2012) emphasizes the interactivity of rhetorics across time and space. She outlines and demonstrates a rhetorical method that involves mapping networks of arguments. This process allows scholars to understand the way rhetorics travel transnationally.
1. Transcoding
Transcoding refers to the process of remaking meaning depending on the context of the argument. Meanings are scrambled so that a term can function in a new context. Dingo (2012) argues that transcoding is an intentional reforming of a term by the speaker which often facilitates political moves.
2. Ideological trafficking
Ideological trafficking is the influence of history on a word. Historical meanings are packed into terms so that their ideological baggage "bubbles up." Dingo (2012) specifies that ideological trafficking disregards intention or awareness of speaker and audience.
3. Interarticulation
Similar to transcoding, interarticulation involves terms' ability to hold multiple meanings simultaneously. Unlike transcoding, interarticulation does not represent intentional reworking of a term. Instead, interarticulation is a result of a term's existence in various contexts.
Showing posts with label Transnationalism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Transnationalism. Show all posts
Friday, August 9, 2013
Brysk (2011), "Sex as Slavery? Understanding Private Wrongs"
1. Human trafficking laws are often inconsistent or incomplete.
Brysk (2011) notes that issues of human trafficking often contain contradictions along axes of sexualization and migration. In terms of sexualization, Brysk (2011) notes that policy often disproportionately focuses on sexual slavery and ignores non-sexual forms of slavery and trafficking. These policies often ignore prostitution as a choice influenced by economic policies. For migration, Brysk (2011) points out that sexual slavery is a problem that can remain within borders just as it can travel across them.
2. The reason for these inconsistencies is rooted in ideologies of power.
Brysk (2011) points out that many trafficking policies are rooted in ideas of "white slavery" and other ideologically loaded terms. An emphasis on sex trafficking that ignores willing prostitution is a move to assert power of women's sexualities and mobility.
Brysk (2011) notes that issues of human trafficking often contain contradictions along axes of sexualization and migration. In terms of sexualization, Brysk (2011) notes that policy often disproportionately focuses on sexual slavery and ignores non-sexual forms of slavery and trafficking. These policies often ignore prostitution as a choice influenced by economic policies. For migration, Brysk (2011) points out that sexual slavery is a problem that can remain within borders just as it can travel across them.
2. The reason for these inconsistencies is rooted in ideologies of power.
Brysk (2011) points out that many trafficking policies are rooted in ideas of "white slavery" and other ideologically loaded terms. An emphasis on sex trafficking that ignores willing prostitution is a move to assert power of women's sexualities and mobility.
Safri and Graham (2010), "Feminist Postcapitalist International Political Economy"
1. Incorporating noncapitalist economic sites can rework power relations to accommodate previously invisible and dispersed labor. Sites of this labor include remittances, worker cooperatives, and household work.
2. The global household is a site of convergence between economics and emotions. This site is ignored by neoliberal policies. If we centralize global women's unpaid labor, it will allow us to incorporate noncapitalist economic sites. Though individual actions cannot replace structural changes, remittances represent a bottom-up approach to restructuring economies.
2. The global household is a site of convergence between economics and emotions. This site is ignored by neoliberal policies. If we centralize global women's unpaid labor, it will allow us to incorporate noncapitalist economic sites. Though individual actions cannot replace structural changes, remittances represent a bottom-up approach to restructuring economies.
Bedford and Rai (2010) "Feminist Theorize International Political Economy"
1. Consumption in the North has redesigned economies in the global South.
Bedford and Rai (2010) argue that increased, debt-driven consumption in the North impacts economies in the South. Economic shifts burden women by increasing their labor inside and outside the home and forcing migration to industrial centers. These population shifts stress social infrastructures, making women more vulnerable to poverty and violence.
2. Scholars should address structures of capitalism, social reproduction, and exchange as well as women's agency within these structures.
Social reproduction includes biological reproduction of family and state, reproduction through unpaid labor in the home, and ideological reproduction. Social reproduction facilitates both oppression and the opportunity for resistance.
Bedford and Rai (2010) argue that increased, debt-driven consumption in the North impacts economies in the South. Economic shifts burden women by increasing their labor inside and outside the home and forcing migration to industrial centers. These population shifts stress social infrastructures, making women more vulnerable to poverty and violence.
2. Scholars should address structures of capitalism, social reproduction, and exchange as well as women's agency within these structures.
Social reproduction includes biological reproduction of family and state, reproduction through unpaid labor in the home, and ideological reproduction. Social reproduction facilitates both oppression and the opportunity for resistance.
Mohanty (2003), "Under Western Eyes Revisited"
Mohanty (2003) argues that "antiglobalization" should be a key issue for feminism. She centralizes the role of pedagogy in facilitating globalization, and explains three models at the core of this issue.
1. Feminist-as-Tourist
In this model, Western feminists briefly inquire about non-Western cultures. This perspective frames two-thirds world women and women of the global South as victims, while White Western feminists are framed as liberated.
2. Feminist-as-Explorer
Western feminists explore non-Western cultures more thoroughly in this model. However, these analyses exclude the United States from the analysis. "International" is used to emphasize distance from home. Local and global both reference non-Western culture.
3. Feminist Solidarity or Comparative Feminist Studies Model
Mohanty (2003) advocates this approach, noting that it emphasizes relationships and feminist solidarity. It focuses on links between women, common interests, and co-responsibility.
1. Feminist-as-Tourist
In this model, Western feminists briefly inquire about non-Western cultures. This perspective frames two-thirds world women and women of the global South as victims, while White Western feminists are framed as liberated.
2. Feminist-as-Explorer
Western feminists explore non-Western cultures more thoroughly in this model. However, these analyses exclude the United States from the analysis. "International" is used to emphasize distance from home. Local and global both reference non-Western culture.
3. Feminist Solidarity or Comparative Feminist Studies Model
Mohanty (2003) advocates this approach, noting that it emphasizes relationships and feminist solidarity. It focuses on links between women, common interests, and co-responsibility.
Naples (2002), "The Challenges and Possibilities of Transnational Feminist Praxis"
1. The "local" is a space of negotiation that allows women to collectively analyze social issues, even when the issues result from global policy.
2. A transnational feminist praxis emphasizes women's roles as agents of change across the globe. This means networking localities together on a global scale. Naples (2002) argues that a transnational feminist praxis should be rooted in "postliberalism" in which the role of the nation-state is de-emphasized in favor of networks between local collectives.
2. A transnational feminist praxis emphasizes women's roles as agents of change across the globe. This means networking localities together on a global scale. Naples (2002) argues that a transnational feminist praxis should be rooted in "postliberalism" in which the role of the nation-state is de-emphasized in favor of networks between local collectives.
Shohat (2001), "Area Studies, Transnationalism, and the Feminist Production of Knowledge"
1. Shohat (2001) argues that forms of domination should be examined in larger historical and political contexts. Therefore, area studies (like "Middle Eastern Studies") are problematic, because they isolate and homogenize groups.
2. Western feminists tend to frame "third world" women stereotypically and without agency. These discussions often take place outside of a discussion of "feminism," which means that "third world" women are not imagined to be part of feminist movements.
3. Sponge/additive approach
Western feminist concepts are extended onto other parts of the world (additive). Their lives are homogenized and absorbed into a master feminist narrative (sponge).
2. Western feminists tend to frame "third world" women stereotypically and without agency. These discussions often take place outside of a discussion of "feminism," which means that "third world" women are not imagined to be part of feminist movements.
3. Sponge/additive approach
Western feminist concepts are extended onto other parts of the world (additive). Their lives are homogenized and absorbed into a master feminist narrative (sponge).
Moghadam (2000), "Transnational Feminist Networks: Collective Action in an Era of Globalization"
1. Transnational feminist networks (TFNs) link together the local with the global. They move discourse across national lines to link individuals and organizations into poewrful collectives.
Moghadam (2000) discusses transnational feminist networks (TFNs) as a result of an increased focus on supranational issues within feminist movements. Through TFNs, women can organize locally while sharing information and joining in collective political lobbying and action as a global collective. Moghadam (2000) imagines these networks as a web, noting that a local organization may collectively tap into one TFN while simultaneously having members involved in other TFNs.
2. Global feminism is both local and global. The two levels of organization work together to create broad policy change.
Moghadam (2000) defines "global feminism" as discourses that move across national boundaries to increase women's access to resources and legal steps toward gender equality. "Global feminism" comes from the idea that there are common forms of disadvantage and feminist organizing across the world.
3. Moghadam (2000) mentions several specific TFNs. DAWN (Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era) works toward a people-centered socio-economic model that stretches between microeconomics of the local and the individual home and macroeconomics of the state. WIDE (Network Women in Development Europe) is a network of twelve national platforms, each of which includes one or more women's groups. WIDE critiques distribution of aid throughout Europe.
Moghadam (2000) discusses transnational feminist networks (TFNs) as a result of an increased focus on supranational issues within feminist movements. Through TFNs, women can organize locally while sharing information and joining in collective political lobbying and action as a global collective. Moghadam (2000) imagines these networks as a web, noting that a local organization may collectively tap into one TFN while simultaneously having members involved in other TFNs.
2. Global feminism is both local and global. The two levels of organization work together to create broad policy change.
Moghadam (2000) defines "global feminism" as discourses that move across national boundaries to increase women's access to resources and legal steps toward gender equality. "Global feminism" comes from the idea that there are common forms of disadvantage and feminist organizing across the world.
3. Moghadam (2000) mentions several specific TFNs. DAWN (Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era) works toward a people-centered socio-economic model that stretches between microeconomics of the local and the individual home and macroeconomics of the state. WIDE (Network Women in Development Europe) is a network of twelve national platforms, each of which includes one or more women's groups. WIDE critiques distribution of aid throughout Europe.
Ong (1999), Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logics of Transnationality
Ong (1999) proposes the term "transnationality." The prefix "trans" refers to movement across borders as well as a changing nature. Transnationalism describes "the cultural specificities of global processes, tracing the multiplicity of the uses and conceptions of 'culture'" (p. 4). Ong (1999) notes that transnationalism does not represent random or unstructured movement of people and capital. Instead, the structures that guide societies extend to structure global movement.
1. Political economy is not separate from everyday practice.
Ong (1999) critiques theories that attempt to separate economy from culture. She argues that culture and economy inform one another, and so culture should be studied within the context of economies.
2. Transnational movements are structured by the same types of structures that guide other social movements and positions.
3. The dominance of market logics create "flexible citizenship," in which people's migration decisions are shaped by economics.
Ong (1999) characterizes flexible citizenship as fluid and opportunistic. She argues that people in a global market move based on market opportunities. The fluidity is balanced by structuring forces related to culture including family, gender, power, and class mobility.
4. This flexibility does not weaken state power, since governments also participate in the process.
1. Political economy is not separate from everyday practice.
Ong (1999) critiques theories that attempt to separate economy from culture. She argues that culture and economy inform one another, and so culture should be studied within the context of economies.
2. Transnational movements are structured by the same types of structures that guide other social movements and positions.
3. The dominance of market logics create "flexible citizenship," in which people's migration decisions are shaped by economics.
Ong (1999) characterizes flexible citizenship as fluid and opportunistic. She argues that people in a global market move based on market opportunities. The fluidity is balanced by structuring forces related to culture including family, gender, power, and class mobility.
4. This flexibility does not weaken state power, since governments also participate in the process.
Smith (1999), "Research Through Imperial Eyes"
1. Global poverty, inequality, sickness, and poor educational access must be understood in historical context. Western epistemology has been complicit in this historical process.
Smith (1999) argues that European imperialism and colonialism have been a primary factor in keeping poor countries poor, sick, and hungry. One tool of this process is the spread of ideologies about "developing" nations and the "Third World." Research plays an important part in this process by defining what counts as knowledge and how knowledge should be gathered and understood.
2. Marginalized groups can resist against imperialism by offering "counter stories."
Marginalized people and nations can push back against this form of imperialism by offering alternate histories. Smith (1999) argues that reasserting cultural history allows marginalized cultures to take up agency of defining themselves. Cultures that have been defined by Western research domination can resist by defining themselves.
Smith (1999) argues that European imperialism and colonialism have been a primary factor in keeping poor countries poor, sick, and hungry. One tool of this process is the spread of ideologies about "developing" nations and the "Third World." Research plays an important part in this process by defining what counts as knowledge and how knowledge should be gathered and understood.
2. Marginalized groups can resist against imperialism by offering "counter stories."
Marginalized people and nations can push back against this form of imperialism by offering alternate histories. Smith (1999) argues that reasserting cultural history allows marginalized cultures to take up agency of defining themselves. Cultures that have been defined by Western research domination can resist by defining themselves.
Thursday, August 8, 2013
Narayan (1997), "'Death by Culture'"
Narayan (1997) compares accounts of Indian dowry murders with instances of domestic violence in America. She argues that differences in culture are highlighted in accounts of Indian women deaths, but not in re-tellings of American women's death. Narayan (1997) argues that violence against women is not cultural specific, which points to the problems of describing only Indian women's deaths as the effect of culture.
2. By discussing culture in a way that reaffirms stereotypes and power imbalances, scholars Other and essentialize groups of women.
3. Narayan (1997) urges feminist scholars to apply local context to descriptions. She believes this will help balance re-tellings of events that would otherwise be used to distance women from different cultures.
Narayan (1997) explains that contextual factors shift and change when they cross borders. One way to prevent this kind of essentializing slippage is to focus on the context. Narayan (1997) urges scholars to consider a local context.
Kaplan and Grewal (2002), "Transnational Practices and Interdisciplinary Feminist Scholarship"
1. Transnational should replace International.
Kaplan and Grewal (2002) argue that "transnational" should replace "international" as a way of cutting ties with historical problems of nationalist ideologies. "International" implies that nations are discrete entities. Transnationalism traces circuits of politics, economics, and cultures that are produced by policies of global inequality.
2. Transnational links nations together, thereby destabilizing binaries.
"Transnational practices" involve alliances, subversions, and complicities that allow us to examine global power asymmetries. Linkage theory demonstrates connections between nations and governments. It also destabilizes forms of hegemony dependent upon binaries and center-periphery conceptions of multi-culturalism.
3. Women's studies should reconfigure itself against nationalist binaries. This move has four dimensions:
A. Critiquing boundaries -- Identities are often formed based on boundaries. We therefore need to examine the hegemonic production of boundaries.
B. Complicity and Conflict -- Alliances are important, but we should be careful not to miss conflicting readings of texts that aim to unite through commonality.
C. Critiquing "common sense" -- Ideologies are built in politics of time and space. We need to recontextualize ideological notions with regard to nationalist structures.
D. Deconstructing "high" and "low" culture -- Gender is built through lots of forms. New media is important now. We need to look across divides to find gendered representations.
Kaplan and Grewal (2002) argue that "transnational" should replace "international" as a way of cutting ties with historical problems of nationalist ideologies. "International" implies that nations are discrete entities. Transnationalism traces circuits of politics, economics, and cultures that are produced by policies of global inequality.
2. Transnational links nations together, thereby destabilizing binaries.
"Transnational practices" involve alliances, subversions, and complicities that allow us to examine global power asymmetries. Linkage theory demonstrates connections between nations and governments. It also destabilizes forms of hegemony dependent upon binaries and center-periphery conceptions of multi-culturalism.
3. Women's studies should reconfigure itself against nationalist binaries. This move has four dimensions:
A. Critiquing boundaries -- Identities are often formed based on boundaries. We therefore need to examine the hegemonic production of boundaries.
B. Complicity and Conflict -- Alliances are important, but we should be careful not to miss conflicting readings of texts that aim to unite through commonality.
C. Critiquing "common sense" -- Ideologies are built in politics of time and space. We need to recontextualize ideological notions with regard to nationalist structures.
D. Deconstructing "high" and "low" culture -- Gender is built through lots of forms. New media is important now. We need to look across divides to find gendered representations.
Alcoff (1991), "The Problem of Speaking for Others"
1. Speaking carries constraints, and it is not always afforded to every individual every time.
Alcoff (1991) argues that universalized positions are dangerous and unhelpful in feminist criticism. She criticizes the idea that one should *never* speak for others or that speaking for others is always problematic. This is because speaking is not simply a matter of choice, since choice is constrained and not everyone has access to the rituals of speaking.
2. Rather than speaking for others, we should speak to others.
When a privileged person speaks for an oppressed person, Alcoff (1991) argues, the structure is mired in privilege. Therefore, it is the structure that needs to be altered. Alcoff (1991) therefore urges feminist scholars to find ways to create conditions for dialogue.
Alcoff (1991) argues that universalized positions are dangerous and unhelpful in feminist criticism. She criticizes the idea that one should *never* speak for others or that speaking for others is always problematic. This is because speaking is not simply a matter of choice, since choice is constrained and not everyone has access to the rituals of speaking.
2. Rather than speaking for others, we should speak to others.
When a privileged person speaks for an oppressed person, Alcoff (1991) argues, the structure is mired in privilege. Therefore, it is the structure that needs to be altered. Alcoff (1991) therefore urges feminist scholars to find ways to create conditions for dialogue.
Enloe (1989), "Bananas, Beaches, and Bases"
1. Masculinity and femininity have been defined in terms of movement.
Enloe (1989) argues that femininity has been defined by staying close to the home, while masculinity is defined by travel. Therefore, women who move outside of the home are considered uncivilized, while men are praised for such movement.
2. Femininity's proximity to the home keeps women invisible, even though women play crucial roles in all types of global politics.
Enloe (1989) bases her analysis on the idea that the personal is political. She uses this concept to link together women's private sphere actions across the globe. For example, she argues that an increased demand for bananas in 1950s America contributed to shifts in global economies that impact women across the globe. As such, she argues, a simple shift in housewives' shopping patterns impacted women in other nation's economic status.
Enloe (1989) argues that femininity has been defined by staying close to the home, while masculinity is defined by travel. Therefore, women who move outside of the home are considered uncivilized, while men are praised for such movement.
2. Femininity's proximity to the home keeps women invisible, even though women play crucial roles in all types of global politics.
Enloe (1989) bases her analysis on the idea that the personal is political. She uses this concept to link together women's private sphere actions across the globe. For example, she argues that an increased demand for bananas in 1950s America contributed to shifts in global economies that impact women across the globe. As such, she argues, a simple shift in housewives' shopping patterns impacted women in other nation's economic status.
Spivak (1988), "Can the Subaltern Speak?"
1. Western academic thought serves Western economic interests.
Spivak (1988) argues that knowledge is always biased and never innocent. Knowledge always serves the interests of its producers. Western academic research will also be biased and favor Western investments like colonialism.
2. Research about subjects in the two-thirds world is generally part of the colonial project.
As Spivak (1988) points out, all research is already colonial since it identifies an "Other" or "over there" subject that is distant from the researcher. This subject contains something valuable, which should be gathered for the benefit of scholarship. In this situation, Spivak (1988) argues, discourses about the Other are generally articulated through the hegemonic framework of language.
3. The West is talking to itself in its own language about the Other. This prevents the subaltern from speaking.
Spivak (1988) argues that knowledge is always biased and never innocent. Knowledge always serves the interests of its producers. Western academic research will also be biased and favor Western investments like colonialism.
2. Research about subjects in the two-thirds world is generally part of the colonial project.
As Spivak (1988) points out, all research is already colonial since it identifies an "Other" or "over there" subject that is distant from the researcher. This subject contains something valuable, which should be gathered for the benefit of scholarship. In this situation, Spivak (1988) argues, discourses about the Other are generally articulated through the hegemonic framework of language.
3. The West is talking to itself in its own language about the Other. This prevents the subaltern from speaking.
Mohanty (1984), "Under Western Eyes"
1. Western feminists often frame women's issues in contexts of the "third world" and "developing countries." This creates a monolithic picture of women in the two-thirds world.
Mohanty (1984) is concerned here with generalizing about issues faced by women around the globe. She argues that Western feminists tend to look at women's experiences in the two-third world outside of the context of economic issues. Instead, feminism should look at the ways that women are constituted within those circumstances.
2. Methods that promote this type of essentialism have a colonizing influence. Western feminists should not ignore the complexities of intersection oppressions like class and ethnicity.
Mohanty (1984) urges feminist scholars to consider the complex interaction of many factors in contributing to women's oppression in the two-thirds world and elsewhere. She argues that scholars should include analyses of:
A. concrete historical and political practice,
B. specific local contexts, and
C. contradictions inherent in women's intersectional identities.
Mohanty (1984) is concerned here with generalizing about issues faced by women around the globe. She argues that Western feminists tend to look at women's experiences in the two-third world outside of the context of economic issues. Instead, feminism should look at the ways that women are constituted within those circumstances.
2. Methods that promote this type of essentialism have a colonizing influence. Western feminists should not ignore the complexities of intersection oppressions like class and ethnicity.
Mohanty (1984) urges feminist scholars to consider the complex interaction of many factors in contributing to women's oppression in the two-thirds world and elsewhere. She argues that scholars should include analyses of:
A. concrete historical and political practice,
B. specific local contexts, and
C. contradictions inherent in women's intersectional identities.
Said (1978), Orientalism
1. Orientalism is a simplified representation that the West forced on the East.
Said (1978) argued that the West secured domination over the East through representation. In Orientalist discourses, all Eastern nations are collapsed to appear fundamentally similar to one another and fundamentally different from the West. This difference is also elided with weakness, which functions politically to maintain Western dominance.
2. Orientalism is pervasive in political and ideological interactions involving the West and the East.
Orientalist is still present as biases against Eastern, and particularly Arab, cultures and nations. This is because the project of Orientalism was deeply woven into the cultural fabric of the West through many institutions including philosophy.
Said (1978) argued that the West secured domination over the East through representation. In Orientalist discourses, all Eastern nations are collapsed to appear fundamentally similar to one another and fundamentally different from the West. This difference is also elided with weakness, which functions politically to maintain Western dominance.
2. Orientalism is pervasive in political and ideological interactions involving the West and the East.
Orientalist is still present as biases against Eastern, and particularly Arab, cultures and nations. This is because the project of Orientalism was deeply woven into the cultural fabric of the West through many institutions including philosophy.
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