Rogers (2008), "Meat and the Crisis of Masculinity in Contemporary Television Advertisements"

Rogers (2008) study examines the "crisis of masculinity" in terms of three similar food advertisements. In these commercials, masculinity is understood as opposite feminized food choices and the environment.

1. The crisis in masculinity involves pitting masculinity against femininity, physical strength against intellectual development, sexual virility against restraint, and working class versus white collar jobs.

Rogers (2008) argues that these commercial represent men reclaiming the masculine element of each of these dichotomies through their food choices. Though the commercials do not explicitly address a threat to masculinity, they signal this threat by overemphasizing the importance of masculinity in areas like food, vehicles, and environments.

2. These commercials signal women as the cause of the crisis of masculinity.

In his analysis, Rogers (2008) argues that women are often positioned as the cause of men's loss of masculinity. Women in the ads try to influence their partners to eat "chick food," drive minivans, and assemble fancy furniture.

3. These commercials indicate that reclamation of masculinity can only happen through disregard to the environment and animals.

Rogers (2008) argues that the absent referent in these commercials is the process of obtaining red meat: suffering, exploitation, and the slaughter of animals, as well as the degradation of the environment.

McRobbie (2009), "Post-feminism and Popular Culture"

McRobbie (2009) describes post-feminism as a "double entanglement." Post-feminism contains both neo-conservative ideas about gender, sexuality, and the family, as well as liberal ideas about choice as it relates to kinship and domestic sphere issues. On one hand, this involves many of feminism's ideas being understood as "common sense." On the other, post-feminism tends to lash out against feminist ideas with intense hatred. McRobbie describes this as "feminism taken into account" (p. 259).

McRobbie (2009) identifies a number of advertising and entertainment media programs in which feminism is "taken into account." For example, she describes overtly sexist advertisements for the WonderBra and a Citreon car in which women flaunt their nearly naked bodies. The assumption is that these women are empowered to make their own choice; they are not being exploited. Exploitation is nodded to, but dismissed, as though it is no longer relevant today.

This same theme can also be found in television narratives about young women choosing partners. Shows like Bridget Jones and Sex and the City, for example, are programs about women who choose conservative choices. The women in these narratives choose to focus their lives on finding men, despite the constant narrative reminder that they could choose otherwise. The choices granted by feminist struggle of past generations is thus taken into account only to be rejected. Feminist choices cause these women insecurity and uncertainty.

Mazzarella (2008), "Men, Media, and Machines"

Mazzarella (2008) uses American Chopper to explore the role of hegemonic masculinity in reality shows about working class men.

1. American Chopper demonstrates three forms of masculinity proposed by Connell.

Her primary framework is drawn from Connell's (1995) categories of masculine performance including hegemonic masculinity, subordinate/resistant masculinity, and complicit masculinity. Mazzarella (2008) notes that these categories are not static. Instead, hegemonic masculinity shifts based on situational context, a move that allows the dominant male to retain control. In American Chopper, for example, Paul Sr. is the dominant male. Though he often takes charge of situations, he is also depicted as gentle or emotional at times, which allows him to retain control across shifting situations and contexts.

The show also balances Paul Sr. hegemonic masculinity with other forms of masculinity through Paul Sr.'s sons. Paulie's subordinate resistant masculinity is often challenged and delegitimized, while Mikey's complicit masculinity is rewarded as loyalty to the family patriarch.

2. American Chopper also represents the genre of the docusoap.

Mazzarella (2008) argues that the series relies heavily on conventions of both soap operas and documentaries. This leads to heightened emotional displays from the characters as well as the appearance of the show as based in the real.

3. Mazzarella (2008) sees American Chopper's use of masculine emotional displays as indicative of a cultural movement towards more feminized hegemonic masculinity.

Becker (2009), "Guy love: A queer straight masculinity for a post-closet era?"

Becker (2009) offers the concept of a queer straight masculinity. He bases this idea on the what he argues are increasingly common performances of queer masculinity among straight characters. For Becker (2009), these performances offer a way of renegotiating hegemonic masculinity in culture.

As examples, Becker (2009) offers instances of popular cultural "bromances." These homosocial performances of "guy love" generally end in a reiteration of the characters heterosexuality. Though this could be read as a homophobic response, Becker (2009) argues that in the current cultural climate, these performances are instead meant to indicate straight men who are comfortable in their sexuality.

It is somewhat problematic that queer straight masculinity is often set in a comedic context. For Becker (2009) the tongue-in-cheek context used in queer straight masculine portrayals on shows like Scrubs and 30 Rock can work against the complexity  of queer straight masculine identities. However, Becker (2009) sees these portrayals as ultimately positive, as they help to blur the false dichotomy between heterosexual and homosexual.

Cuklanz and Moorti (2006), "Prime-time representations of women and victimization"

Cuklanz and Moorti (2006) argue that Law and Order: Special Victims Unit (SVU) represents a new type of television feminism similar to McRobbie's idea of post-feminism. For Cuklanz and Moorti (2006) SVU represents some positive developments in television portrayals of gendered violence. However, the show remains mired in the misogyny of both its masculinist detective genre and stereotypes of feminity.

1. The show offers advancements in televised discussions of gendered violence.

SVU is a positive development in that it portrays a variety of victims of rape and sexual assault. Cuklanz and Moorti (2006) argue that the show's diversitys of race, gender, class, and sexuality are a new development for feminist television portrayals. The show is also positive in that it depicts hope for a life after rape and sexual assault. Finally, SVU dispels some myths and misconceptions about rape and sexual assault.

2. The show is also problematic in its portrayals of femininity.

While the show represents some positive developments in feminist television, it also contains some problems. First, Cuklanz and Moorti (2006) argue, the women who are portrayed in positions of authority on the show rarely discuss their minority positions in a male-dominated field. Second, the show often depicts women whose crime involves harming or neglecting their children. In this way, the show centralizes a particular notion of motherhood that punishes women for not performing their maternal role in a specific way. Women are therefore disciplined for not being nurturing, and they are blamed for family dysfunction.

3. Though SVU contains some progressive messages, Cuklanz and Moorti (2006) argue that the show's messages lean more toward the misogynist than the feminist.

Wang (2010), "Asian Americans in reality TV shows"

Wang (2010) examines Top Chef and Project Runway. These shows focus on contestant skill level as chefs, in the case of the former, and designers, in the case of the latter. Wang (2010) argues that these shows both limit Asian contestants' possibilities for success. In the shows, the Asian competitors are often stereotyped by the panels of judges as cold and robotic. This translates into assessments of the contestants technically skilled but lacking in creativity and passion. These representations are based on stereotypes present in the culture, which are filtered through the social experience of the shows' panels of experts. These experts then filter stereotypical assessments of the competitors through the show, perpetuating a cycle of racist stereotypes that limit "appropriate" roles for Asian-Americans.

Smith-Shomade (2008), "Oprah the Iconic and Television Talk"

Smith-Shomade (2008) argues that Oprah's success is aided by her performance of binaries of class, race, and gender. Most importantly, she employs a "rags-to-riches" narrative that allows her to play to both wealthy audiences and those audiences who aspire to greater wealth. Furthermore, Smith-Shomade (2008) argues, Oprah is successful in large part because she plays a "middle-of-the-road" role in terms of both race and gender. Oprah therefore escapes stereotypes of Blackness, femininity, and wealth, allowing her to play to a broader audience.

Dubrofsky (2006), "The Bachelor: Whiteness in the Harem"

Dubrofsky (2006) examined the the construction of romantic relationships on six seasons of The Bachelor. She notes that the series privileges Whiteness and Otherizes women of color through its visual and structural references to harems. This illustrates not only the show's ideological lean, but also demonstrates reality television's techniques of framing "real" footage.

1. Women of color are used to frame and centralize White women

Dubrofksy (2006) argues that women of color appear on the bachelor only as a frame for the behavior of White women. The show's few women of color are shown only rarely, and often their screen time is spent discussing the actions of White women. Women of color are not shown as real prospective mates for the show's male protagonist.

2. The show's visual and structural elements reference a harem, which Others Eastern culture

The Bachelor conjures images of a harem on two levels, Dubrofsky (2006) argues. First, the show's mise en scene includes stereotypically Eastern decor like red and gold rugs and a palace-like appearance. The visual imagery of crowds of women waiting to spend time with the male protagonist also gives the appearance of a harem. Second, the show's structure, in which the male protagonist calls on various women to engage in physical and romantic rendezvous with is reminiscent of a harem.

3. The show uses women of color and references to a harem to frame White women as the only suitable mates. In the show, Dubrofsky (2006) notes, residents of the harem may be suitable for sexual encounters, but not as long-term partners.

Gitlin (1979), "Prime-time Ideology"

Gitlin (1979) argues that contemporary American mass media are one cohesive cultural system that promotes the reproduction of social relations. For Gitlin (1979), the study of texts must precede any study of how those texts impact the audience; before we study what a program does, Gitlin (1979) argues, we must examine what a program is.

1. Ideology is relayed through various features of American television. In turn, television programs register larger ideological structures and changes.

Importantly, Gitlin (1979) points out that ideology is not invented by the mass media. Instead, as Gitlin (1979) argues, the mass media repackages and channels ideologies that circulate though social elite circles, media industries, and social movements in general. As such, Gitlin (1979) argues that the most complete studies of media circulated hegemony should take into account both the ideologies involved in producing media and the ways these ideologies reach audiences.

2. Ideologies are structured into television culture in a variety of ways including format and formula, genre, setting and character type, slant, and solution.

3. Hegemony in liberal capitalism produces consent by being sensitive to audience desires and tastes.

The system of cultural hegemony is leaky, and never closed. It absorbs opposition into the structure. Hegemony is always changing in order to maintain dominance. 

Williams (1974), "Programming: Distribution and Flow"

1. Previous cultural communication forms were discrete. Meetings and plays, for example, have set beginnings and endings.

2. Television introduces fluidity into this process. Television programs are interspersed with advertisements and promos for other programs and films. These are all structured similarly, so that they flow into one another.

3. This creates a confusing structure in which communications flow into one another without boundaries and without regular intervals. Williams (1974) believed that this would contribute to restructuring of all cultural communication.

Fiske (1987), Television Culture

Fiske's (1987) Television Culture is often noted as germinal text in the development of a television studies perspective (e.g. Gray and Lotz, 2012). Fiske (1987) is concerned with the ideological messages of television programming. Though Television Culture focuses most specifically on television programming, Fiske (1987) draws from the cultural studies tradition that puts media in a cycle of production. Therefore, Fiske (1987) understands television as a system of codes that the audience uses to navigate culture. This understanding of television leads Fiske (1987) to propose a three-part perspective on television studies.

An important contribution of Television Culture is Fiske's (1987) concept of television codes. For Fiske (1987), television's producers work to standardize the television program product in order to make their messages clear. This can happen at a narrative level, in which certain visual or aural messages have meaning based on cultural story-telling norms. For example, a woman in a black dress and pointy black hat may symbolize a witch for American audiences familiar with this common cultural depiction. Such imagery is standardized based on the circulation of this symbol in things like children's books, movies, Halloween costumes, and other television media. Television codes also include technological aspects like camera shots, lighting, and music cues. For example, the horror genre often employs swelling music just before a victim is attacked by a villain. This standardization across the genre communicates a preferred reading to viewers. As audiences grow more familiar with the genre, they are likely to understand that this technical cue points to the demise of the victim character. In order to maintain profitability, Fiske (1987) argues, television producers use and reuse this type of television code. The result is standardization across television programming. Fiske (1987) notes that television production is controlled by a relatively small segment of the population, and this group is likely to standardize television codes in a way that benefits their own ideological interests.

Though much of Television Culture focuses on television programming, Fiske (1987) also believed that the audience played an active role in consumption. The television audience does not have access to the same level of power and resources as television producers. Fiske (1987) therefore believed that the television audience struggled to make meanings within the codes offered to them by producers. To illustrate this idea, Fiske (1987) used de Certeau's concept of "making do." Fiske (1987) argued that television audiences used certain aspects of television codes to understand their roles in society, but that they also had the power to discard or contest ideas they did not find useful or acceptable. Television audiences could not make their own television media. Audiences therefore use television texts provided to cobble together meanings that they find acceptable.

Through Fiske's (1987) examination of television codes and audience readings of these codes, he propose three areas of study for television scholars. First, he emphasized the importance of the television text as a storytelling agent. He therefore saw television programs as an important focus for television studies. Second, Fiske (1987) believed that television codes were created through repetition across all television programming texts. Therefore, he encouraged television scholars to examine television texts as they related to one another. Finally, Fiske (1987) believed that the audience's readings of these texts were important to understanding their meaning in the culture. Fiske's (1987) concept of television studies therefore included a study of audience reception.

1. Television codes -- Industry has more resources

2. Industry in conversation with audience -- making do

3. Areas television studies should consider -- programs, programs' interaction with other media, audience reading practice