Moya (2001), "Chicana Feminism and Postmodern Theory"

1. Feminist politics have often neglected to account for Chicana identities.

Moya (2001) explains how many Chicanas resisted feminism in the 1970s because they felt feminism privileged gender over other identity factors. Many Chicanas focused instead on racial politics. Moya's (2001) critique of postmodern theory and identity politics is an attempt to move beyond the factors that caused this rift between feminism and Chicana politics.

2. Moya (2001) advocates a postpositivist realist theoretical approach.

She rejects the postmodern idea that identities are "radically unstable," and instead argues that identities are based on material conditions and experiences. Moya (2001) argues that postmodernist frameworks fail to account for the relationship between social location, experience, and identity, since postmodernism sees these areas as slippery. Moya (2001) stresses the importance of discursive and nondiscursive domains that acknowledge and celebrate concrete differences.

Anzaldúa (1999), "La Conciencia de la Mestiza: Towards a New Consciousness"

Anzaldua (1999) describes people living in an area of negotiation between raced cultures "la mestiza." She sees this position as a dual consciousness that allows la mestiza to navigate between cultures. La Mestiza is a potentially progressive position for Anzaldua (1999). She believes that la mestiza can destabilize the binaries that strengthen White supremacy.

1. La mestiza is produced when one group transfers cultural and spiritual values to another.

Anzaldua (1999) refers to the way in which White American values are spread to Mexican culture. She believes that this spread is changing Mexico's cultural landscape. People in the suppressed culture may choose to realign themselves with the dominant culture in order to survive.

2. Assertion of racial purity strengthens borders. Blending racial and cultural identities can weaken borders.

Anzaldua (1999) argues the cultural blending that can happen when people inhabit both Mexican and American identities can dismantle racial and cultural borders. Since borders are fortified when people reassert their racial and cultural purity, Anzaldua (1999) believes that border can be blurred when racial and cultural purity are dismissed.

Crenshaw (1991), "Mapping the Margins"

Crenshaw (1991) argues that identity politics often fails to acknowledge differences within groups. This is particularly important in terms of legal and political responses to violence against women of color. Crenshaw (1991) argues that the experiences of women of color are often ignored, misrepresented, or silenced due to the narrow lenses of race or gender. Instead, Crenshaw (1991) proposes, we should use an intersectional lens to highlight the ways that patriarchy and racism interact to form unique experiences of oppression.

1. Identity politics ignore intragroup differences.

2. Effects of patriachal oppression are exacerbated by effects of racist oppression.

Crenshaw (1991) specifically discusses the ways that structural racism make domestic violence even more dangerous. For example, racism may prevent a Black woman from being able to financially support herself. This could trap her in the abusive situation in a way that it might not for a White woman. Intersectionality is not adding together axes of oppression. It is recognizing the interactions between oppressions.

3. Identities are socially constructed, but we should still organize around them.

Crenshaw (1991) is concerned about the material impacts of intersectional identities. She fears that we will avoid addressing these impacts because we are trying not to reify social categories. She suggests viewing identity categories as coalitions rather than discrete groups.

Collins (1990), Black Feminist Thought

Collins (1990) defines "Black feminist thought" as a set of ideas produced by Black women to clarify Black women's standpoint. Black women's standpoint is important because it facilitates Black women defining their own subjectivity. White men have historically defined their own subjectivity, and defined Black women as the Other.  A language of Black feminist thought and Black women's standpoint can help Black women regain the power in this relationship.

1. Thought and historical/material conditions are inseparable.

Black women produce Black feminist thought as a result of historical and material conditions of oppression. Black feminist thought has been recorded by others, but it is always produced by Black women.

2. Black women have a unique standpoint. This standpoint means that Black women share some commonalities of perception.

3. Commonalities in Black women's perception are complicated by other intersections of oppression.

Collins (1990) notes that Black women may express and experience their standpoints differently. This is because of diversity in terms of class, age, religion, sexual orientation, and other intersectional identity factors.

4. Black women's standpoints may not be clear or communicable for all Black women.

Collins (1990) argues that Black feminist thought requires Black female intellectuals to produce information that can help Black women understand and interpret their experiences.

hooks (1984), "Feminism: A Movement to End Sexist Oppression"

1. We lack consensus about the meaning of the movement.

hooks (1984) is concerned that impressions about feminism's meaning are disparate. She is particularly concerned with those who argue that feminism seeks "equality with men." For hooks (1984), this position uncritically assumes that all women are equal, though many women face different forms of oppression.

2. Feminism should focus on ending sexist oppression.

hooks (1984) argues that feminism should fight against sexist oppression and the ideology of domination inherent in Western culture.

3. Feminism should be political rather than just a lifestyle.

hooks (1984) argues that feminism should remain focused on politics instead of being understood as a lifestyle. Instead of saying, "I am a feminist," hooks (1984) prefers to say "I advocate feminism." She argues that "I am" forces women to prioritize their allegiance with various movements, perpetuating the ideology of domination. Shifting from identity to politics allows marginalized women to contribute more fully to the conversation.

De Beauvoir (1949), The Second Sex

1. People think of women, Jews, and Black people on the same level of importance.

Women make up half of the world, but men see women as less important. De Beauvoir (1949) argues that women learn to stay quiet and not dispute men's opinion on this. She also believes that women are slaves to men. She has not been allowed to think freely, which holds her back. She also notes that the dominant group will enjoy more opportunities, better work, and higher wages.

2. Women are the Other.

Women are the Other to men's Absolute. De Beauvoir (1949) explains this using religious teachings about Adam and Eve. In the 18th century and after, men began to use philosophy and science to objectively prove that women are inferior.

3. "To be" is a process. Women are not born inferior. We are made to hold inferior positions.

De Beavoir (1949) believes that women learn to act as the Other. We internalize the idea that we are deviant, and work to try to become normal. She argues that we must put aside this idea to move forward with feminist goals.